By Ronald J. Deibert, John G. Palfrey, Rafal Rohozinski, Jonathan Zittrain, Miklos Haraszti
Net filtering, censorship of websites, and on-line surveillance are expanding in scale, scope, and class worldwide, in democratic nations in addition to in authoritarian states. the 1st iteration of web controls consisted principally of creating firewalls at key web gateways; China's well-known ''Great Firewall of China'' is likely one of the first nationwide web filtering platforms. this present day the recent instruments for net controls which are rising transcend mere denial of data. those new suggestions, which goal to normalize (or even legalize) web regulate, comprise detailed viruses and the strategically timed deployment of disbursed denial-of-service (DDoS) assaults, surveillance at key issues of the Internet's infrastructure, take-down notices, stringent phrases of utilization guidelines, and nationwide details shaping thoughts. entry managed reviews in this new normative terrain. The publication, a venture from the OpenNet Initiative (ONI), a collaboration of the Citizen Lab on the college of Toronto's Munk Centre for foreign stories, Harvard's Berkman middle for web and Society, and the SecDev crew, deals six titanic chapters that examine web regulate in either Western and jap Europe and a piece of shorter local studies and nation profiles drawn from fabric accumulated through the ONI worldwide via a mixture of technical interrogation and box examine tools. Chapter authors: Ronald Deibert, Colin Maclay, John Palfrey, Hal Roberts, Rafal Rohozinski, Nart Villeneuve, Ethan Zuckerman details Revolution and worldwide Politics sequence
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Journalists and editors are held responsible for the ‘‘veracity’’ of publications and postings, leading to a high degree of self-censorship. In Kazakhstan, there are several cases of oppositional and independent media Web sites being suspended for providing links to publications about corruption among senior state offices and the president. Evoking national security concerns, especially at times of civic unrest, as the justification for blocking specific Internet content and services. Most recently, this justification was evoked in Armenia when the opposition demonstrations that followed the February 2008 presidential elections turned to violence leading to the death and injury of several dozen protesters.
16 The intent of the doctrine was as much international as it was domestic, establishing demarcated borders in cyberspace, at least in principle. 17 Domestically, the doctrine was aimed at the use of the Internet by militant groups to conduct information operations, specifically the Chechen insurgency. Within a few years, most other CIS countries had followed suit, adopting variations of the Russian doctrine. ONI Tests for Internet Controls in RUNET The controls outlined previously are qualitatively different from the usual types of controls for which the ONI tests.
But during the late 1990s, and especially following the color revolutions that swept through the CIS region, states began to think seriously about the security implications of RUNET, and in particular its potential to enable mobilization of mass social unrest. The first attempts at formally controlling cyberspace were legal, beginning with legislation enabling surveillance (SORM-II),15 and later in 2001 with the publication of Russia’s Doctrine of Information Security. While the doctrine addressed mass media and did not focus on RUNET specifically, it declared the information sphere to be a vital national asset that required state protection and policing.