By Kees Koonings, Dirk Kruijt
This quantity explores contemporary facts of the way partial nation failure in Latin the US interacts with new types of geared up violence, undermining the democratic consolidations of the earlier twenty years. This "new violence" stems from various social actors: drug mafias, peasant militias and concrete gangs, the so-called actores armadas, and comprise state-related actors just like the police, army intelligence businesses and paramilitary forces. the consequences comprise either "governance voids"--domains the place the valid kingdom is successfully absent--and the erosion of the skill and willingness of kingdom officers to abide via the guideline of legislation themselves. those developments, in flip, threaten the potential of a re-installation of authoritarian regimes lower than the keep watch over of political armies or, at least, the unfold of nation violence in a single shape or one other. This e-book sees hyperlinks among this cave in of governance and the weakening of country buildings undertaken within the identify of neoliberal financial reforms.
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Additional info for Armed Actors: Organised Violence and State Failure in Latin America
A core group of paramilitary leaders emerged from the ranks of the Autodefensas Campesinas de Cordoba y Urabá (ACCU), notable among whom were the Castaño brothers, as well as Salvatore Mancuso and others. The Castaño clan ﬁrst gained national notoriety through their involvement in the Los Pepes death squad set up to counter the rampant violence of the Medellín cartel led by Pablo Escobar (Bowden 2001). After the death of Escobar in December 1993 (followed shortly thereafter by the death of Fidel Castaño in a confrontation with the ELP; see Romero 2003: 26) and 28 the effective end of intra-cartel warfare, the defeat of the leftist guerrillas in the country became the key focus of the paramilitary, through the expansion of territorial control and the use of indiscriminate violence and terror against the civilian population.
Issues such as the persistence of tutelary powers and immunity from prosecution for past and present transgressions by the military are still part and parcel of public life in most Latin American countries. In addition, the legacy of authoritarian rule and arbitrariness in public affairs have paved the way for the consolidation of violence and coercion within Latin American politics, even after the democratic transitions of the 1980s and 1990s. The agenda of democratic consolidation has caused, however, if not a paradigm shift, then at least a change in attitude and discourse within the military institutions in the region.
Until the Second World War it represented what may be called the partial sovereignty of the landowners. It has been further institutionalized or at least condoned by the mostly conservative political connections and representation of landowners. 5 Here we ﬁnd fewer pistoleiros and more death squads, and the relationship between parties within the pattern is mainly determined by supply and demand and not by the authority claims of an elite. In the urban pattern the diversion from the straightforward pattern of policing extensions, a pattern in which the police simply command an extension and the extension carries out the dirty work, is mainly in the interference of organized crime and private security companies as co-organizers of death squads and of death squad activities.