By Kenneth D. Durr
During this nuanced examine white working-class lifestyles and politics in twentieth-century the United States, Kenneth Durr takes readers into the neighborhoods, offices, and group associations of blue-collar Baltimore within the a long time after international warfare II. difficult notions that the "white backlash" of the Nineteen Sixties and Nineteen Seventies was once pushed by means of expanding race resentment, Durr information the increase of a working-class populism formed through distrust of the capacity and ends of postwar liberalism within the face of city decline. Exploring the consequences of desegregation, deindustrialization, recession, and the increase of city crime, Durr indicates how valid financial, social, and political grievances confident white working-class Baltimoreans that they have been threatened extra by means of the activities of liberal policymakers than through the incursions of city blacks. whereas acknowledging the parochialism and racial exclusivity of white working-class lifestyles, Durr adopts an empathetic view of staff and their associations. in the back of the Backlash melds ethnic, hard work, and political heritage to color a wealthy portrait of city life--and the sweeping social and financial alterations that reshaped America's towns and politics within the past due 20th century.
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Extra resources for Behind the Backlash: White Working-Class Politics in Baltimore, 1940-1980
66 Many of the migrants came to stay, but others soon left, unable to ﬁnd housing. Still more grew disillusioned by working conditions, transportation problems, and cold weather. More than 3,000 war workers quit their jobs and left Baltimore each month during 1942. 67 In Baltimore as in other industrial cities, scarcity of housing was the biggest wartime crisis. Builders erected more private homes than ever before but resisted building low-income rental housing. The federal government a contentious coalition 17 and the city built projects like Brooklyn Homes, which provided ﬁve hundred apartments near Fairﬁeld Shipyard.
18 But communism remained a relatively minor issue for Cronin—he was more interested in organizing Catholic workers than ﬁghting radicals who appeared to have little real inﬂuence. 20 Cronin even delivered the invocation at the 1939 Maryland and District of Columbia Industrial r eds and blue bloods 35 Father John F. , Baltimore’s labor priest. 22 The dramatic growth of Baltimore’s unionized shipyards made them prime targets for communist organization; with few veteran oﬃcers and no experienced rank and ﬁle to challenge them, party members were able to rise quickly.
They do not have the organization to vote them out of oﬃce or the trained leaders to replace them. ’’ 55 In late 1944 the National Catholic Welfare Council asked Cronin to come to Washington to prepare a report on communism in America. 56 After Cronin left, concern over inﬁltration of union locals gave way to apprehension over higher-placed laborites who controlled politically powerful city and state labor councils. Cronin was right in predicting conﬂict, but the arena for anticommunist action had already begun shifting away from the local level.